That evidence included security camera footage of contractors paying the cash into Rumseld's hands in his office. It also included xeroxes of 5 matching pages of the 2 sets of books which he kept.

The company's representative was shown one set of books listing the inflated price when Rumsfeld asked for the money. The Pentagon set of books recorded only the amount paid by check.

When that kickback was collected in the war zones, he appeared to be getting half of the cash. But, I only had one Pentagon source and he was not willing to sign a statement. For each 100 contractor trailers set up it appeared that Rumsfeld was making about $1 million. My best guess was that there were at least 2,500 such trailers set up in the war zones, bringing the figure to 25 times as much for at least a $25 million a year profit. He was depositing the cash in the vault in his office.

Once a week an armored car picked it up and took it to the Chase Bank, a Rockefeller enterprise. I did not know how much Rockefeller got to launder that cash into an account, if anything. At that point I did not yet know into which account the cash was going.

Officially, I did counter-intelligence at both the CIA and Pentagon, not corruption investigations. But the dividing line between counter-intelligence work and fighting corruption is often non-existent in practice. That is because corruption is an almost invariable facet of a foreign penetration of an agency.

So, if one ignores corruption, one has already lost the battle to prevent foreign penetration of an agency.

To tell a counter-intelligence person to ignore corruption while they do their work, is like telling a police officer to ignore others in his office taking illegal drugs while he does his work. It is an oxymoron.

When Rumsfeld sat down and started talking about how I should "shape up" and "become a team member", I had a sick feeling in the pit of my stomach. Not wanting him to waste my time, I cut to the chase. I asked him, "What is in it for me?", as if I were willing to be corrupted.

He laid out a set of 'fringe benefits' which included a bonus and a promotion. I asked him to put it in writing and said that I would think about it overnight.

He said he would and then got down to the details of what he wanted me to do "to earn that promotion and $20,000 bonus".

What he wanted me to do was head a department at the Pentagon to "investigate" its fraud problems. But as I listened to the specifics of what he wanted me to do it sounded like the real point was to block all investigations.

That is, he conceded that the Pentagon's Criminal Investigation Division (CID) was not pursuing prosecution of corruption - he was the one blocking that! (see case 5)

He said that all of the corruption cases would be sent over to my dept. allowing CID to "handle the serious criminal problems" better.

I wondered what he considered a serious crime, if sending soldiers into battle without bullet proof vests and equipment that worked wasn't considered one. Soldiers had died from having vests that were too hot to wear and didn't work.

Another company made vests for $20 less a piece that were cooler and did work, but apparently did not make anyone a kickback. I wondered what he considered a serious crime, if allowing Halliburton to ship the soldiers only half food and water rations in the desert was not a serious crime?

At least 4 soldiers had died of dehydration directly as a result of Halliburton's routinely shorting the shipments. It had been known since WWII that soldiers fighting in the desert could not drink enough water to rehydrate themselves unless they had enough of food to eat with it.

I wondered what he considered a serious crime, if continuing to test artillery units that knocked soldiers unconscious or crushed them to death, was not a serious crime? (see case 5).

It appeared that an enemy agent must be behind those decisions. Sending soldiers into battle without the water, food, and equipment they need is more cruel than summary execution of them. It causes them not just physical suffering but the intense suffering of knowing that their country has betrayed them.

They often committ suicide after months or years of cruel and intense mental anguish (see Post-War Suicides May Exceed Combat Deaths, U.S. Says at

http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601124&sid=a2_71Klo2vig&refer=home)

In the UK a judge said that sending soldiers into battle without proper equipment violates their human rights--their right to life!

Then I asked Rumsfeld if I would be doing the investigations myself or overseeing them. He said, "Oh, not yourself, Tenet said that he can spare you at most 4 hours". I asked him if he had gotten from Tenet a firm promise of 4 hours of my time, as Tenet usually jealously guarded my time. He admitted that he had not.

When I asked him how many staff I would have and with what training and skills, a blank look passed across his face. He said, "We will talk about it, if you sign on". I again pressed him, asking him what the budget of the department would be. He looked away uncomfortably, rocked his chair up on its back legs and said "It is something to be discussed".

Later in the conversation, I mentioned by name a Major I would want in my dept. He again rocked his chair onto its back legs during a pause and then said, "We would have to see if there is money in the budget for him."

Majors are not high ticket salaries. What was he intending to use, a single unskilled Private to investigate the corruption of Generals and the tens of thousands of Pentagon employees and private contractors?

In short, it appeared that he intended to create a corruption investigation unit with 4 hours of oversight of no workers at all. The GAO intended the position to be a full time one. It was quite possible that Tenet would be used in this scheme to prevent my even spending 4 hours a week at the task.

His offer was clearly designed to foil the GAO's intention. For me to accept, under the proposal he designed, would have been selling my soul straight to the devil.

After he left about 40 minutes later, I made some enquires. Previously, Rumsfeld had asked 4 Pentagon officials in turn to head that department and they had all turned him down. I went to see 2 of them I knew and asked them why.

One said it was a dead end job with no advancement possibilities since Rumsfeld would not allow any real investigation of the corruption cases.

The other said that he didn't like having doors slammed in his face and being disliked by his colleagues. He said that he was willing to die for his country but not be ostracized for it.

Rumsfeld's office sent me over the contract for the position. It would raise me to a 3-star general from a 2-star. It would also give me about $1,200 a year more in pay, for 10% time. When I read the fine print, I saw that the contract was written up by a lawyer just for me.

It referred to the signatory as a 10% Pentagon -- 90% CIA employed person. It appeared to have a nasty clause in it that could be used to put me in prison, if I did any actual investigating.

It said that my sharing evidence with other federal agencies would be construed as the crime of disclosing National Security secrets. That crime would be punishable by 10-years imprisonment and a $50,000 fine for each occurrence.

It waived my right to a jury trial in the prosecution of that crime and said that the proceedings would be secret to protect National Security.

The document made it a National Security crime if I sent a corruption case over to the US Justice Dept. or talked about one to the GAO! It tried to make it legal to jail me without a fair trial, if I reported a corruption case to anyone other than Rumseld!

In fact, it made it a National Security crime for me to even discuss a case with my boss at the CIA or the CIA's counter-intelligence committee. That was true even if I had uncovered a foreign mole at the Pentagon in the pursuit of a corruption case.

It was as if the person writing it was so concerned about covering up their corruption that they were willing to have any number of foreign moles at the Pentagon stealing the location of US missiles and their launch codes.

The document purposely perverted the term National Security to mean the security of corrupt people to steal, not the security of the Nation from all enemies foreign and domestic.

I walked down a hallway and plopped it on the desk of a Pentagon lawyer, call him Major Larrel. I asked him if this was standard in Pentagon contracts. He looked out it and asked in surprise, "This is a gag, isn't it?". I said that I did not think so, and asked him to find out for certain.

He found the Pentagon lawyer who had written it and talked to him. It was not a gag as in a joke. But it was a gag as in a gag order.

I went back to two of the men who had turned down the position and asked to see their contracts. Only one of them had bothered to ask for one. It was completely different from mine and seemed quite standard. The lawyer thought so too.

I then investigated and found out that Rumsfeld had briefed the lawyer who wrote up my custom contract in his office. I was in luck--over a dozen intelligence agencies had bugs in his office and it was not hard for me to get a copy of that conversation.

It should be noted in this context that I had frequently advised Tenet, Rumsfeld, and the White House that their offices were bugged by foreign intelligence agencies. I had also offered to help them correct that problem. They rarely took me up on that offer.

When they had, I had proven to them that they had many bugs that the bug sweepers did not pick up. The time I helped locate bugs in the Oval Office in 2004, there were 16 bugs found AFTER THE BUG SWEEPERS went through.

Most were in expensive gifts that sat on desks, on shelves, or hung on walls. In order to prevent recurrences, they had to follow the security procedures. Those included not letting criminals/foreign agents come into their offices to plant the bugs. It also included not excepting any gifts "from admirers".

Since they refused to use those standard intelligence procedures, they usually had a full set of bugs in place again a week after a set was cleared out. It was part of how their reckless behavior shredded real National Security.

Corruption is the willingness violate the common good for a private gain. Corruption is always an enemy of National Security.

I asked Major Larrel to listen to the tape and give me his opinion as to whether it was legal. He said that he was shocked at the contents and begged me to listen to it myself. He listed about 4 violations in it, one being a conspiracy to commit fraud.

Another was to silence whistle blowers by violating their rights to due process.

A third was the intention to falsely imprison a person.

The fourth was on the order of undue legal risk in the execution of one's official duties. I did not have time to listen to the tape then. I sent it over to the GAO as evidence as was my habit.

About 2 days later, I got a frantic call from a man at the GAO. He was not the one that I had sent material to before who shelved it for future use, when the political climate became accommodating. This GAO official had listened to the tape and then referred the matter to the US Justice Department.

He was frantic to reach me as a lawyer at Justice wanted me to come to an appointment to see him that afternoon. I barely had time to make it over there from the CIA. He said that he had been trying to reach me at the CIA by phone and couldn't. I had been in my office all the time he had tried to reach me. I said that I had also had that problem that the GAO official could not reach me, unless I happened to pick up to call out.

He said that that was 'obstruction of justice'. He also said that he had listened to the tape, something I had not done yet, and that I needed to prosecute immediately. I asked him why. He said, "Because the case is so egregious". I asked him why he thought that. He played me a two-minute section of the tape.

Rumsfeld had asked the lawyer to write up the contract so that I could be imprisoned for exposing fraud.

The Justice lawyer then went on about how that was a felony offense. He had not yet seen the contract. I showed him the original. He was completely shocked that the lawyer had put it in writing, proving that he was in on the conspiracy to deprive me of my right to freedom.

As we were speaking in his office, an official barged in. He was not that lawyer's boss, but the boss of his boss. He insisted that I leave the Justice Department immediately. At first he had said that I was wanted at the Pentagon.

I told him I was done for the week at the Pentagon. He came back about 15 minutes later and said that I was needed immediately at the CIA. I called the CIA and found that no one was looking for my help then. He came back about 10 minutes later and just insisted that I leave. I asked him on what grounds.

He started spouting legalese at me that sounded like he was accusing me of 'being unwanted' and 'trespassing'. I told him that I had an appointment and had been invited to come. He went away and about 10 minutes later came back again. He said that he had called the security guards to remove me already, and that I better leave immediately or I would be arrested.

I wanted to see what the charge was against me. I felt that I had a right to know and said so. So, I stayed. The lawyer I was talking to had agreed that I had a right to know and invited me to stay. He had told the higher official that it appeared that I was being harassed.

The guards took almost 20 minutes to arrive. They refused to answer the question I asked about what the charge was. They insisted I leave. The lawyer told them I was an invited guest of his. But they started manhandling my body. I went limp and asked them to arrest me, if they had charges against me. They got very mad at me. They had no charges. They had rehearsed charging me with resisting arrest and that was what one said to me. The lawyer laughed since I had just asked them to arrest me.

One of the guards then struck me in view of both the lawyer, the security camera and the other guard. I had to laugh at that move -- the man was a fool. I had a bruise on my shoulder where he had hit me hard with his fist. It was a bruise as large as a grapefruit within a minute or so.

Apparently, he had ruptured a large blood vessel in my shoulder.

Being a medical physician I wanted to look at it and apply pressure to it. I pulled my blouse off the shoulder without exposing so much as my bra and applied pressure to the part of the bruise that was swelling the fastest.

The guards then wrote up a ridiculous citation saying that I had fallen down the stairs and exposed myself like a flasher!

I had not left the office nor exposed myself as the security camera footage clearly showed. I asked to file a complaint of assault and battery and they refused to take it.

They ended up bodily carrying me by arms and legs out the door of the Justice Department with the lawyer following in tow the whole time. They dropped me on the sidewalk causing bruising of my tail bone. I again asked them to tell me the charges and to arrest me which they did not do.

The lawyer carefully documented what he had witnessed and had it notarized. I went to a physician and had the injuries documented. I then went to the FBI Headquarters close to the Justice Department and filed the assault and battery charges.

They gave me a copy of that complaint paperwork. I then sent it, the lawyer's statement, and later the tape of the security camera footage to my usual GAO official. With the evidence I had sent a note that it appeared not to be possible yet to file a case against Rumsfeld.

Perhaps I should mention how I was able to collect so much security camera footage and evidence.

I taught intelligence collection classes to CIA, Defense Intelligence, and Office of Naval officers.

I had taught thousands of officers over the decades. Some of them were more than willing to pitch in to help me fight corruption. It also gave them a little more of my time as well.

In the course of my CIA work, I went over to Iraq to collect some intelligence. That allowed me to meet with many of my intelligence students there and ask them what they knew about corruption. I listened for more than 2 hours to their many eye-witness testimonies on the subject.

I recorded that discussion and later asked several of them if they would write up formal reports. I also asked others of them to collect sufficient evidence to make what they knew into a well founded case which could be prosecuted.

Out of that grew 3 other investigations, much more serious in terms of their effect on the soldiers and on the war at large. But I also found out more about the trailer kickbacks. It turned out that the contractors were only allowed to put certain types of trailers on the bases. They had to fill out forms to get the trailer approved to set it on a plot of desert.

The intelligence officers said that in practice the contractors had to buy the trailers from either Halliburton or Carlyle Group parent companies.

If they did not, their permits to drive the trailers onto the base were delayed for months. In one case they knew of the contractor was still waiting after a year. He had refused to pay the cash under the table or buy a new trailer from those companies at grossly inflated prices.

As a result his contract was cancelled by the Pentagon saying that he was unable to complete the work. But he had completed the work! He had done so by setting up his trailer off the base, supplying his own water and power, etc.

He then tried to contest the Pentagon's canceling his renewal by proving to them that he had done the work. He sent photos, signed statements, including from a judge in Iraq, etc. But he was unable to get the contract renewed.

The Pentagon gave the contract to someone else. I asked the intelligence officer telling me this to collect the evidence and send it to me. He did. That contractor had done excellent work. If I remember correctly he was rebuilding some schools in Iraq. His buildings were sound.

The Iraqis were quite happy with them. But the Pentagon was not. He had not played the kickback game with they and they had thrown him out of the game for it. I submitted evidence of that to the GAO.

When I looked into the selling of the trailers themselves, I found that the scam I had started working on was the tip of the iceberg.

The trailers were being sold at outrageous prices, even after accounting for the cost of shipping them to Iraq. Plus, it was possible to buy trailers in Iraq at a fraction of the cost that were built in Europe and worked just fine. Contractors had preferred them early in the war. But when they could not get them onto the US bases they had to abandon them. The US taxpayer had to eat the cost of that.

The Halliburton parent company trailers were shoddily made. They broke down frequently even just sitting in place. So, many contractors abandoned them--they were too expensive to repair.

They then bought the Carlyle parent company model, often as their 3rd purchase in 3 years. That trailer was serviceable apparently, at least I personally heard no complaints against it.

Now comes the real kicker. The Halliburton people apparently got mad that their trailers were not being used anymore.

The Pentagon announced that certain bases would only allow Halliburton parent company trailers. The excuse was that it allowed hook-ups to all be the same on that base. But there was a $10 coupling part allowed the Carlyle trailers to use the Halliburton type hookups.

So, it was ridiculous and obstructing the war effort to require Halliburton trailers. One of my intelligence officers brought me a picture of the trailers on a base that only allowed the Halliburton trailers. The pictures showed that that base had hookups for the European trailers.

Each trailer had to have a $25 part to allow the Halliburton trailers to use the hookup. The extra $10 part allowed a Carlyle trailer to use the hookup.

Yet Pentagon would not allow the European or the Carlyle trailers on it. That was a ridiculous and unnecessary obstruction. Supposedly, the war was a coalition action, but in practice unless one paid Carlyle or Halliburton an arm or a leg in jacked up prices or kickbacks, one was out of the game.

The result was inefficiency, work delays, and hampering of the reconstruction of Iraq. That is the predictable result of graft--the results are always the same.

When I returned from Iraq about weeks later, my usual GAO contact asked to meet with me. He was very concerned about what had happened to me. He had invited the Justice Department lawyer to meet with us also at the restaurant. He was about 20 minutes late due to being held up in traffic.

Shortly after he arrived, the police came and said that I was wanted at the CIA. I called the CIA and no one needed me immediately. Then they came back and said that I was wanted for resisting arrest on that particular day at the Justice Department.

The Justice Department lawyer explained to them that no charges had been presented and that I had repeatedly asked to be arrested so as to find out what the charges were. I asked those police also to show me the charge papers or arrest me so that I could see the charges. They were thrown into confusion and went away.

They came back shortly and put handcuffs on me saying that they were arresting me. I again asked the charges and they did not answer.

They took me down to their station and threw me roughly into a cell causing me to fall onto the cement floor. I had bruises on my knees. They held me over night and refused to give me water or even a single blanket or mattress.

There was no mattress on the bed only a wire frame as the security camera footage later showed. I had to sleep on the cold cement floor.

My coat had been taken from me. The guards refused to give it back. They refused close the window above me or turn on the heat. I shivered all night from the cold as it was wintertime. The lack of warmth was obviously intentional harassment in my case.

Other prisoners were brought many blankets to compensate for the open window in my cell. They said that it had never been opened before, nor the heat turned off, until I arrived. They all had mattresses and even sheets. They were brought water and even coffee and food, while I was denied any by the guards. The footage on the security camera clearly showed that discriminatory treatment.

Ex-CIA operative Al Martin in his book "The Conspirators" says that when he turned whistle blower, he was thrown into prison without charges repeatedly. He said that happened to him about 20 times. Each time he was booked under an alias so he could not to prove that it had happened to him. That was what happened to me.

The Justice lawyer got me out the next day. He then said to me, "What ever you are up against, it is bigger than I can handle. I have been threatened with being fired, if I ever have any contact with you again."

I later heard that he was fired by the Justice Department I did not hear that until about 2 months later. But when I checked on it, it appeared that he had been fired the next day.

Both he and the GAO official had written up their eye-witness testimony of that restaurant episode. I also managed to get the tape of the security camera from the restaurant. Those items all got stored over at the GAO.

In addition, I sent copies of the calls from Rumsfeld over to the Justice Department to the boss of the boss and Justice security, and their calls back asking what to do next.

I also sent copies of the call Rumsfeld made to the DC police and their calls back asking what to do next. Not only had Rumsfeld planned to have me falsely imprisoned, but he had done so.

Plus, I was assaulted and battered twice on his phoned recommendation to the security people and the DC police 'to rough her up so she gets the picture". I had been safer in Iraq; no enemy had even tried to harm me, deprive me of food, water, or warmth.

I carefully documented what had been done to me in that DC jail. I also included a physician's examination the next day and my second complaint paperwork to the FBI on my abuse at the hands of the DC police. I also included the security camera footage from the police station.

I had the names of other prisoners who had witnessed it as well, and one guard who refused to participate in it. I also sent over the conversation between Cheney and Rumsfeld discussing what methods they would use 'to break her". My alias was the only name mentioned on the tape. The conversation made it clear that the objective was to stop my "nosing into their affairs", i.e. their corruption.

There were no allegations that I was a terrorist etc. or that my security clearences should be stopped. They were not. I went back to working at the CIA the same as before. The methods they discussed "withholding necessities", that translated into withholding food and water for about 18 hours. It also included exposure to cold. They had discussed the possibility that I would die of it. They had agreed to blame it on the jail as an accident if that happened.

In addition, Cheney mentioned to Rumsfeld in that tape that Bush had signed the order 'for the torture" so that they were covered.

People can die in 3 hours from cold exposure. What had been done to me was deliberate torture with the intention to cover up my murder, if I died from it.

No measures had been put in place to protect me from dying from cold. So, in that sense it was an attempted murder. Twice during the night I passed out from the cold believing that I would never wake up again.

I was tortured not because I was a terrorist.

I was tortured because I refused to play their game of selling our country's true National Security out for a buck.

End of Case 10